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LIBRARY 


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THE  UNIVERSITY 

OF  QAUeOB,NIA 


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The  United  States  and  the  Establishment 
of  the  Republic  of  Brazil 


BY 
J.  FRED  RIPPY 


Reprinted  from  The  Southwestern  Political  Science 
Quarterly,  Volume  III,  Number  1,  June,  1922 

Austin,  Texas 


^i^UW^  --^■^J./^^ 


n-> 


THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  THE  ESTABLISHMENT 
OF  THE  REPUBLIC  OF  BRAZIL 

J.    FRED    RIPPY 

University  of  Chicago 

The  relations  of  the  United  States  and  Brazil  have  been 
more  harmonious,  perhaps,  than  those  of  any  other  two 
American  states.  The  United  States  was  the  first  country 
to  recognize  the  independence  of  Brazil,  and  the  latter  was 
the  first  of  the  South  American  states  to  signify  its  ap- 
proval of  and  adhesion  to  the  Monroe  Doctrine.  The  friend- 
ship thus  begun  has  continued  with  little  interruption  until 
the  present  day.  At  first  thought,  this  would  seem  all  the 
more  remarkable  since  during  the  most  of  this  long  period 
Brazil  was  ruled  by  a  monarchy.  In  reality,  however,  the 
character  of  the  Brazilian  monarchs,  particularly  that  of 
Dom  Pedro  II.,  and  the  order  and  stability  which  the  mon- 
archical form  of  government  gave  Brazil  have  tended  to 
promote  rather  than  hinder  the  development  of  friendly 
intercourse  between  these  two  important  American  states. 
A  survey  of  public  opinion  in  the  United  States  regarding 
Dom  Pedro  11.  will  reveal  remarkable  uniformity  of  admi- 
ration and  praise. 

The  last  of  the  Brazilian  emperors  had  scarcely  attained 
his  thirty-first  year  when  he  was  made  honorary  member 
of  the  New  York  Historical  Society,  while  an  address  given 
before  that  society  somewhat  later  contained  the  assertion 
that  "Dom  Pedro,  by  his  character  and  his  taste,  application, 
and  acquisitions  in  literature  and  science,  ascends  from  his 
mere  fortuitous  position  as  an  Emperor,  and  takes  his  place 
in  the  world  as  a  man."^     The  great  scientist  Agassiz  seems 


iD.  P.  Kidder  and  J.  C.  Fletcher,  Brazil  and  the  Brazilians  (Phila- 
delphia, 1857),  Chap.  XIII. 


_1_  P    X  T  -bj 


to  have  thought  highly  of  the  Emperor,  and  Mrs.  Agassiz 
records  with  evident  pride  the  story  of  their  visit  to  the 
capital  of  Brazil."  James  R.  Partridge,  who  represented 
the  United  States  at  the  Brazilian  court  in  the  seventies, 
spoke  of  Dom  Pedi-o  in  the  following  enthusiastic  manner: 

The  Emperor  impressed  me  in  every  way  as 
completely  entitled  to  the  reputation  and  popu- 
larity he  has  .  .  .  with  all  who  have  ever  ap- 
proached or  known  him.  To  the  advantages  of  a 
fine  person,  a  dignified  presence,  and  most  affable 
address,  without  the  least  parade  ...  he  adds  the 
solid  things  of  admirable  good  sense,  capacity,  and 
knowledge  ...  He  certainly  appeared  to  me  to  be 
the  best  thing  I  have  seen  in  Brazil.^ 

The  visit  of  Dom  Pedro  to  the  United  States  in  1876  at- 
tracted considerable  attention,  and  furnished  occasion  for 
liis  election  to  membership  in  the  National  Geographical 
Society  and  the  issuance  of  a  brief  biographical  sketch  in 
so  dignified  a  publication  as  the  annual  report  of  the  Smith- 
sonian Institution.*  His  presence  at  the  Philadelphia  Ex- 
position, moreover,  gave  Bell's  telephone  an  opportune  pub- 
licity which  probably  has  meant  much  for  the  progress  of 
that  modern  convenience.^ 

Four  years  later  another  enthusiastic  North  American 
minister  at  Rio  spoke  of  His  Majesty  in  most  complimen- 
tary terms : 

The  Emperor  is  a  man  of  large  views  and  fine 
temper.  Among  the  rulers  of  the  world  today,  I 
do  not  know  of  one  who  combines  more  of  the 


2See  Professor  and  Mrs.  Louis  Agassiz,  A  Journey  m  Brazil  (Bos- 
ton, 1871). 

^Papers  Relating  to  the  Foreign  Relations  of  the  United  States 
(1872),  pp.  94-95. 

4The  Smithsonian  Institution,  Annual  Report  (1876),  p.  173  ff.; 
Frank  Vincent,  Around  and  About  South  America  (New  York,  1895), 
p.  253.     Note  also  Vincent's  dedication. 

^The  Literary  Digest,  January  8,  1921,  p.  30,  quoting  F.  H.  Sweet 
in  Power  Plant  Engineering,  gives  an  interesting  account  of  the 
Emperor  and  the  telephone. 

—2— 


qualities  which  constitute  a  good  sovereign.  He 
is  a  statesman  ...  he  is  a  man  of  generous  nature, 
he  desires  to  promote  the  happiness  of  his  people, 
and  he  comprehends  the  embarrassments  that  sur- 
round his  government.® 

The  deposition  of  the  aged  Emperor  in  1889  gave  occa- 
sion for  the  fullest  expression  of  American  sentiment  re- 
garding him.  If  the  utterances  of  the  press  may  be  taken 
as  sincere,  a  good  portion  of  the  editors  of  the  country  seem 
to  have  been  in  doubt  for  a  moment  whether  to  congratulate 
Brazil  for  having  set  up  a  republic  or  to  condole  with  the 
country  on  having  deprived  itself  of  the  services  and  pres- 
ence of  so  great  a  ruler  and  man.  This  attitude  may  be 
clearly  seen  in  the  following  quotations  taken  from  the  lead- 
ing contemporary  newspapers: 

It  is  a  matter  of  great  regret  that  the  aged  Em- 
peror should  be  driven  forth  at  this  last  hour  of 
his  life.  The  republic  would  have  come  naturally 
upon  his  death  as  a  protest  against  the  beliefs  and 
projects  of  his  daughter  and  her  profligate  hus- 
band ;  but  now  it  seems  almost  like  a  cruel  antici- 
pation. The  Liberals  of  Brazil,  however,  if  it  shall 
prove  to  be  the  fact  that  they  have  overthrown 
the  Government  to  gain  a  just  freedom,  can  cer- 
tainly not  be  denied  our  sympathy  and  applause; 
and  still,  with  Dom  Pedro  before  us,  it  is  with  only 
half  our  heart  that  we  can  cry  "A  long  life  to  the 
republic."^ 

While  the  world  regards  Dom  Pedro  with  affec- 
tionate admiration,  it  can  not  help  admitting  that 
the  inevitable  has  come  to  pass.  All  will  regret, 
however,  that  the  hour  of  the  Brazilian  Republic 
has  struck  during  the  life-time  of  the  noble,  pro- 
gressive, and  lovable  Dom  Pedro.^ 

The  people  of  this  country  can  not  regard  with 
disfavor  any  movement  of  the  people  of  another 


^Papers  Relating  to  the  Foreign  Relations  of  the   United  State* 
(1880),  p.  97fF. 
'New  York  Independent,  November  21,  1889. 
8The  Chicago  News,  November  18,  1889. 

—3— 


country  to  set  up  a  republican  form  of  government 
upon  the  ruins  of  a  monarchical  one.  But  this 
Brazilian  movement  is  as  yet  incomplete ;  it  is  not 
even  known  whether  the  people  or  their  self -consti- 
tuted leaders,  supported  by  the  army,  have  effected 
the  change  of  government.  Even  if,  however,  the 
revolution  was  [sic]  wholly  popular,  and  an  in- 
spiration of  the  entire  people,  here  in  the  United 
States,  in  this  city,  where  the  Emperor  was  so  well 
known  and  honored,  there  will  still  be  regrets  that 
he  was  forced  to  resign  his  great  office.^ 

It  now  belongs  to  the  Brazilians  to  show  them- 
selves equal  to  the  responsibilities  of  their  new  sit- 
uation. What  they  will  make  of  their  opportuni- 
ties time  will  determine.  Meanwhile  the  rank  in 
history  of  their  late  monarch,  as  a  patriot  and 
statesman,  is  secure,  and  Dom  Pedro  carries  with 
him  into  his  retirement  the  regrets  and  good 
wishes  of  the  civilized  world.^° 

Somewhat  different  in  tone  but  none  the  less  laudatory 
are  the  following  expressions : 

Dom  Pedro  was  one  of  the  best,  most  liberal, 
and  most  progressive  emperors  that  ever  ruled. 
But  the  system  of  which  he  was  the  head  was 
wrong,  and  it  had  to  go  before  the  advance  of 
liberty  and  republicanism." 

Among  all  the  "monarchs  retired  from  busi- 
ness," Dom  Pedro,  of  Brazil,  is  one  of  the  best 
...  He  was  not  so  much  a  strong  man  as  a  kindly 
man,  seeking  more  the  good  of  his  people  than  the 
protection  of  his  throne  .  .  .^^ 

The  New  York  Tribune  saw  in  the  proposed  compensa- 
tion to  the  Emperor  not  only  a  wise  political  move  but  an 
act  of  justice  to  a  well  deserving  ruler: 


»The  Philadelphia  Ledger,  November  20,  1889. 
loThe  Washington  Post,  November  20,  1889. 
i^The  Baltimore  American,  November  20,  1889. 
i2The  Baltimore  Smi,  November  19,  1889. 


Dethronement  with  compensation  on  a  scale  that 
proves  that  a  republic  is  not  ungrateful  to  a  high- 
minded  and  progressive  sovereign  is  hailed  with 
satisfaction  throughout  Brazil.  It  is  an  anomaly 
in  the  annals  of  revolution,  for  kings  are  ordinar- 
ily lucky  if  they  escape  with  their  lives ;  but,  under 
the  circumstances,  it  is  a  just  and  equitable  ar- 
rangement. The  Emperor  did  not  deserve  to  be 
dismissed  like  a  lackey.  He  has  gone  out  like  a 
prince  loaded  with  benefaction  from  a  people 
whose  quarrel  was  not  with  him,  but  with  the 
monarchical  system. ^^ 

The  placidly  optimistic  view  assumed  by  the  Indianapolis 
Sentinel  may  perhaps  not  unfittingly  be  quoted  as  a  sen- 
sible and  wholesome  attitude  regarding  the  whole  affair: 

The  new  7^egime  involves  little,  really,  but  a 
change  of  external  forms.  Brazil  has  long  been 
one  of  the  freest  countries  on  the  globe — a  repub- 
lic really  in  everything  but  the  name.  The  occu- 
pant of  the  imperial  throne,  too,  was  a  republican 
at  heart,  and  perhaps  he  will  not  repine  greatly 
that  the  people  to  whom  he  is  so  warmly  devoted 
have  cast  off,  while  he  is  in  the  flesh  to  see,  the 
imperial  robes  that  hung  so  awkwardly  upon 
them.^* 

When  the  Brazilian  revolution  was  discussed  in  the  Con- 
gress of  the  United  States  in  connection  with  a  resolution 
proposing  immediate  recognition  of  the  new  republic,  not 
even  the  most  radical  anti-monarchists  indulged  in  severe 
censure  of  Dom  Pedro.  In  fact,  Morgan  of  Alabama, 
who  introduced  the  resolution,  made  it  clear  that  there  was 
not 

slightest  criticism  .  .  .  against  the  conduct  of  that 
patriotic  and  eminent  man  .  .  .  who  has  been  de- 
posed from  the  imperial  throne  of  that  state.  His 
methods  of  government,  his  fondness  for  his  peo- 


"November  19,  1889. 

i^November  18,  1889.  For  comments  of  the  press  of  the  United 
States  on  the  general  subject  of  the  revolution  in  Brazil,  see  Public 
Opinion,  VIII   (November  23,  1889),  p.  159ff. 

—5— 


pie,  his  attachment  to  liberal  institutions,  his  con- 
cessions on  all  occasions  to  .  .  .  the  people  them- 
selves have  been  so  conspicuous  that  our  people 
have  .  .  .  formed  for  him  a  more  distinct  and  a 
higher  personal  attachment  than  they  have  ever 
felt  for  any  emperor  who  (has)  existed  since  our 
history  begun  (sic)  .^^ 

And  Sherman  of  Ohio,  the  most  influential  opponent  of  a 
hasty  recognition  of  the  newly  established  government  of 
Brazil  declared  that  he  was  actuated  in  purt  by 

a  feeling  of  respect  for  one  of  the  most  distin- 
guished men  of  our  century,  a  man  who,  though  an 
emperor,  never  exercised  powers  as  great  as  our 
President ;  an  emperor  who  was  always  willing  to 
yield  to  the  will  of  his  subjects;  an  emperor  who 
never  did  an  unkind  act,  and  in  his  long  reign  was 
a  more  thorough  democrat  .  .  .  than  any  emperor 
who  ever  before  in  the  history  of  the  world  held 
that  rank.^*^ 

But  the  republican  ardor  of  the  people  of  the  United 
States  was  in  reality  not  cooled  by  their  admiration  for  the 
last  American  emperor.  To  many  the  pacific  fashion  in 
which  Dom  Pedro  abdicated  seemed  to  indicate  a  voluntary 
surrender  to  what  he  conceived  to  be  the  will  of  the  people, 
and  his  departure  from  Rio  de  Janeiro  signified  a  deliberate 
abandonment  of  all  claims  of  the  House  of  Braganza  to 
Brazil.  If  hereafter  Dom  Pedro  or  any  other  member  of 
that  House  should  decide  to  re-assert  those  claims,  the  ar- 
dent republicans  of  the  United  States  were  inclined  to  as- 
sume that  they  would  do  so  under  European  persuasion 
or  pressure  and  that  they  could  only  succeed  in  recovering 
the  lost  American  empire  with  the  aid  of  the  European 
powers.  Such  persuasion,  pressure,  or  assistance  these 
republicans  professed  to  consider  a  violation  of  the  Monroe 
Doctrine. 

This  fear  of  European  intervention  and  preference  for 
republican  institutions,  even  in  a  case  where  the  choice  was 


i^United   States   Congressional  Record,   51   Cong.,   1   Sess,,  p.  313. 
16/feid..  p.  316. 


between  a  republic  and  one  of  the  best  of  monarchies,  tended 
to  hasten  recognition  of  the  new  order  in  Brazil.  Another 
consideration  which  urged  this  policy  was  a  desire  to  secure 
and  retain  the  friendship  and  the  markets  of  the  largest 
and  most  populous  Hispanic  American  state.  Consequently, 
as  soon  as  news  of  the  revolution  reached  Washington  the 
minister  of  the  United  States  in  Brazil  was  instructed  to 
maintain  diplomatic  relations  with  the  provisional  gov- 
ernment. Moreover,  a  few  days  later  he  was  directed  to 
give  the  republic  "a  cordial  and  formal  recognition"  as  soon 
as  the  majority  of  the  people  of  Brazil  signified  their  ac- 
ceptance of  the  new  regime.'' 

The  proposed  delay  in  formal  recognition  was  deemed  by 
the  administration  a  wise  precaution  in  view  of  the  fact 
that  such  a  step,  if  taken  before  the  real  nature  of  the 
revolt  had  become  manifest,  might  succeed  only  in  strength- 
ening a  military  despotism  whereas  its  true  design  would 
be  to  advance  the  cause  of  popular  government  in  the  New 
World.  Yet  President  Harrison's  announcement  of  his 
policy  to  Congress  occasioned  a  somewhat  vigorous  attempt 
on  the  part  of  aggressive  members  of  the  democratic  party 
to  force  the  executive  to  move  more  rapidly.  They  argued 
that  immediate  recognition  would  strengthen  the  hands  of 
the  republicans  of  Brazil  and  do  much  toward  discouraging 
any  designs  of  interference  which  might  be  entertained  in 
Europe.  The  friends  of  the  administration  in  Congress 
were  able  to  delay  precipitate  action,  however.'^ 

With  reference  to  this  policy  public  opinion  was  divided, 
but  apparently  the  majority  was  in  accord  with  the  admin- 
istration; and  although  decided  partisan  coloring  may  be 
detected  in  the  press,  both  parties  made  it  clear  that  they 
had  the  true  interests  of  the  Brazilian  people  at  heart.  A 
few  quotations  will  set  forth  the  various  motives  and  cross 
currents  which  were  operating  at  the  time. 


'^''Papers  Relating  to  the  Foreign  Relations  of  the  United  States 
(1889),  pp.  61-63. 

i^For  the  discussions  and  procedure  of  Congress,  see  Congressional 
Record,  51  Cong.,  1  sess.,  pp.  216,  313ff.,  323,  871,  passim. 


—7— 


Among  the  newspapers  which  advocated  immediate  rec- 
ognition were  the  New  York  World,  the  Indianapolis  Sen- 
tinel, the  Savannah  News,  the  New  Orleans  Picayune,  the 
Atlanta  Constitution,  and  the  Omaha  Bee.  The  following 
excerpts  will  reveal  their  attitude : 

The  United  States  Government  recognized  the 
republic  of  France  within  a  few  hours  after  it  was 
proclaimed  ...  in  1870.  It  recognized  in  1873  the 
Spanish  Republic  on  the  very  day  that  Amadeus 
was  kicked  off  his  throne.  And  yet  the  Republican 
statesmen  in  Washington  insist  that  the  Brazilians 
must  hold  an  election  before  it  can  be  determined 
that  their  republic  is  entitled  to  our  recognition. 
Encouraged  by  this  cowardly  policy  the  reaction- 
ists of  Brazil  are  trying  to  stifle  the  republic  and 
restore  the  empire.  What  a  sneaking,  pottering, 
cowardly  republic  we  are  having  under  the  rule  of 
the  Republican  plutocracy.^^ 

What  hope  and  good  cheer  a  prompt  and  cordial 
recognition  of  the  new  republic  by  the  United 
States  would  have  sent  to  the  hearts  of  the  lovers 
of  freedom  the  world  over !  What  an  electric  thrill 
the  presence  of  half  a  dozen  American  men-of-war 
in  the  harbor  of  Rio  Janeiro  at  this  moment  would 
give  to  republicans  and  democrats  all  around  the 
globe!  And  what  a  tremendous  and  decisive  sig- 
nificance it  would  have  for  kihgs  and  their  minis- 
ters everywhere!  But  Mr.  Harrison  and  Mr. 
Blaine  and  the  Republican  Senators  say  we  must 
not  pay  any  attention  to  the  new  republic.  We 
must  wait  until  the  people  of  Brazil  have  formally 
given  it  their  adherence.  We  must  wait  until  his 
imperial  majesty,  the  Czar  of  Russia,  and  her  royal 
majesty,  the  Queen  of  England,  and  his  imperial 
majesty,  the  Emperor  of  Germany,  and  all  the  rest 
of  their  .  .  .  majesties,  have  concluded  that  "the  jig 
is  all  up"  with  the  divine  right  in  the  New  World, 
and  have  condescended  to  permit  the  Brazilians  to 
try  governing  themselves.  The  attitude  of  the 
Government  at  Washington  in  this  matter  is 
enough  to  make  every  patriotic  American  hang  his 


i9The  New  York  World  (Democratic),  December  26,  1889. 


head  with  shame.  If  the  Republic  of  Brazil  falls, 
it  will  be  because  the  United  States  withholds  its 
recognition. — Oh,  for  one  week  of  an  Andrew  Jack- 
son or  a  Grover  Cleveland  in  the  White  House  l^o 

While  it  is  true  that  there  may  be  a  great  deal 
of  trouble  in  Brazil  before  the  republic  is  estab- 
lished upon  a  firm  basis,  there  is  no  probability 
of  the  re-establishment  of  the  empire.  The  empire 
is  a  thing  of  the  past,  and  the  fact  that  little  or  no 
opposition  has  been  made  to  the  republic  justifies 
the  conclusion  that  there  is  no  desire  for  the  return 
of  the  deposed  Emperor  or  any  member  of  his  fam- 
ily. There  does  not  appear  to  be  any  good  reason, 
therefore,  for  delay  in  recognizing  the  republic. 
Indeed,  there  are  good  reasons  why  there  should 
be  haste.  Affairs  in  Brazil  are  now  in  a  very 
chaotic  condition,  and  there  is  a  great  deal  of  dis- 
satisfaction with  those  who  are  exercising  power. 
Recognition  by  this  Government  might  help  the 
true  patriots  to  put  the  republic  upon  a  firm  found- 
ation. Delay  in  extending  recognition  may  en- 
courage those  who  have  no  love  for  the  republic, 
and  who  may  be  plotting  for  its  ruin.-^ 

Professing,  as  we  Americans  do,  the  utmost  zeal 
and  devotion  to  republican  institutions,  it  would 
have  been  the  most  natural  and  graceful  thing  to 
have  promptly  recognized  the  new  7'egime  in  Brazil, 
an  act  that  would  have  greatly  encouraged  the  pa- 
triots in  that  country  and  exerted  a  sobering  effect 
on  those  European  powers  that  have  shown  an  in- 
clination to  interfere  in  behalf  of  the  deposed  im- 
perial family.-^ 

The  people  of  Brazil,  who  desire  to  follow  in  the 
footsteps  of  the  people  of  this  country,  have  not  re- 
ceived the  slightest  expression  of  sympathy  from 
the  United  States,  and  they  have  no  means  of 
knowing  whether  they  have  the  moral  support  of 
this  country  in  their  efforts  to  establish  a  popular 
government.-^ 


20The  Indianapolis  Sentinel   (Ibid.),  December  22,  1889. 
2iThe  Savannah  News   (Ibid.),  December  22,  1889. 
22The  New  Orleans  Picayune  (Ibid,),  December  21,  1889. 
23The  Atlanta  Constitution   (Ibid.),  December  19,  1889. 


—9- 


It  is  both  the  duty  and  the  interest  of  the  United 
States  to,  in  every  legitimate  way,  encourage  the 
new  republic,  and  by  its  countenance,  friendship, 
and  influence  to  strengthen  it  in  the  confidence  of 
its  own  people  and  in  the  respect  of  the  world. 
Recognition  would  go  far  toward  bringing  about 
these  desirable  results,  and  it  would  undoubtedly 
have  the  very  general  and  hearty  approval  of  the 
American  people.^* 

Among  the  journals  which  counseled  moderation  and  de- 
lay were  the  Chicago  Herald,  the  Philadelphia  Ledger,  the 
Macon  (Ga.)  Telegraph,  the  Washington  Star,  the  Boston 
Advertiser,  and  the  New  York  Sun.  Space  permits  only 
very  brief  quotations  from  these. 

It  would  do  no  harm  for  the  United  States 
Senate  to  make  haste  slowly  in  the  recognition  of 
the  new  regime  in  Brazil.  Sufficient  time  has  not 
elapsed  to  permit  the  succession  to  attain  stability 
or  permanency.  Unavoidably,  affairs  are  yet  in  a 
more  or  less  chaotic  condition.  .  .  This  Nation 
has  not  forgotten  the  vexation  which  was  caused 
by  the  proposed  recognition  of  the  Confederacy  al- 
most before  the  smoke  had  disappeared  from  the 
rebel  gun  which  opened  on  Sumpter.  The  cases 
are  not  exactly  parallel,  although  it  is  a  fact  that 
England  had  quite  as  much  knowledge  of  the  Con- 
federacy as  we  have  now  of  the  Brazilian  Republic, 
and  no  more.  It  would  be  miraculous  if  the  scat- 
tered population  of  Brazil,  with  all  its  variety  of 
blood,  interests,  and  civilization,  should  pass  from 
a  monarchy  to  a  republic  without  'delay  or  dis- 
turbance.^^ 

It  is  well  that  the  holiday  recess  of  Congress 
brings  Senator  Morgan's  rather  too  precipitate 
resolution  for  the  recognition  of  the  Brazilian 
revolutionary  government  to  a  halt  till  next  month 
and  next  year,  for  by  that  time  we  may  have  some 
authentic  information  that  will  show  us  which  is 
the  right  course  to  pursue.  .  .  Before  any  meas- 
ure of  recognition  should  be  finally  acted  upon  by 


24The  Omaha  Bee   (Republican),  December  19,  1889. 
25The  Chicago  Herald  (Democratic),  December  23,  1889. 


—10- 


our  Congress,  we  should  have  one  or  other  of  two 
things — either  an  official  declaration  of  the  real 
condition  of  affairs  from  the  American  Minister 
at  Rio,  that  can  be  published  for  the  information 
of  the  people  of  the  United  States ;  or  unmistake- 
ably  vouched  dispatches  from  the  agents  of  the 
Associated  Press  at  Rio  Janeiro  (sic),  Bahia,  Para, 
and  Pernambuca — that  the  wires  are  open  and  free 
to  all  who  wish  to  send  or  receive  telegraphic  mes- 
sages. Till  we  have  one  or  other  of  these  assur- 
ances or  something  else  in  all  respects  equivalent, 
Congress  should  not  move  one  step.  It  will  be 
nothing  better  than  taking  a  leap  in  the  dark  unless 
we  have  them.  Instead  of  helping  the  people  of 
Brazil  to  a  good  republican  government  such  as  we 
would  wish  to  see  them  have,  we  may  be  helping  to 
fasten  upon  them  a  regime  of  selfish  and  grasping 
military  adventurers.  .  .  Let  us  have  at  least  a 
chance  to  look  before  we  leap.  The  Brazilian  peo- 
ple are  not  asking  us  to  "hurry  up.""*' 

It  seems  to  us  that  the  Democrats  of  the  Senate 
are  making  a  mistake  in  insisting  upon  the  imme- 
diate recognition  of  the  Republic  of  Brazil.  In 
fact,  there  is  no  such  republic.  The  government 
in  existence  is  a  military  despotism,  much  less  lib- 
eral in  character  than  the  imperialism  which  the 
army  overthrew.  Under  the  old  regime  Brazil 
was  governed  by  a  ministry  responsible  to  a  Par- 
liament elected  by  the  people.  The  Emperor  was 
not  an  active  governing  force.  Under  the  new 
regime  there  is  no  Parliament,  no  representatives 
of  the  people,  and  the  governing  power  is  lodged 
solely  in  the  hands  of  certain  persons  supported 
by  the  regular  army.  The  old  government  was 
much  more  of  a  republic  than  the  new,  in  spite  of 
the  fact  that  it  had  an  emperor  at  the  head  of  it.  .  . 
Our  Government  stands  as  the  best  example  and 
defender  of  representative  institutions,  not  of  des- 
potisms which  may  falsely  call  themselves  repub- 
lics. We  can  not  afford  to  champion  shams ;  it  is 
our  duty  to  support  every  genuine  attmept  to  es- 
tablish representative  institutions.-^ 


26The  Philadelphia  Ledger  (Independent),  December  23,  1889. 
27The  Macon  Telegraph  (Democratic),  December  23,  1889. 

—11— 


The  question  is  not  whether  the  people  of  the 
United  States  sympathize  with  the  new  Republic 
of  Brazil.  It  is  a  question  of  whether  this  govern- 
ment may  recognize  with  entire  propriety  a  gov- 
ernment which  the  people  of  Brazil  have  not  yet 
had  the  opportunity  of  approving  or  disapprov- 
ing.28 

We  can  and  do  rejoice  as  a  people  at  the  signs 
of  the  daybreak  of  republicanism  in  Brazil,  but  our 
Government  can  not  officially  act  until  the  people 
of  Brazil  have  by  their  ballots  freely  and  fully  ac- 
cepted the  new  order.  No  other  course  is  consis- 
tent with  that  prudence  and  dignity  which  make 
recognition  of  some  value  when  it  is  given.^^ 

Time,  which  tries  all  things,  may  be  trusted  to 
reveal  the  true  inwardness  of  the  Brazilian  revo- 
lution. Nowhere  on  this  earth  is  the  establishment 
of  a  genuine  republic  so  sure  to  be  acclaimed  with 
fervor  as  it  is  in  the  United  States.  But  in  our 
eyes  the  title  of  Republic  is  too  sacred  to  be  made 
the  mask,  decoy,  and  catchword  of  military 
usurpers.^*^ 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  Republican  administration  did 
not  require  much  persuasion  or  compulsion.  The  Pan- 
American  interests  and  sympathies  of  James  G.  Blaine  who 
was  then  Secretary  of  State  are  well  known.  He  was  not 
the  man  to  continue  a  policy  of  conservatism  and  caution 
when  reports  were  current  to  the  effect  that  other  American 
states  and  even  European  countries  were  recognizing  the 
new  republic  of  Brazil.  According,  on  January  29,  1890, 
while  evidence  of  the  disposition  of  the  Brazilian  people 
toward  the  revolutionary  government  must  still  have  re- 
mained far  from  explicit  and  conclusive,  formal  recognition 


28The  Washington  Star   (Independent),  December  21,  1889. 

29The  Boston  Advertiser  (Republican),  December  20,  1889. 

soThe  New  York  Sun  (Democratic),  December  22,  1889.  For  a 
more  complete  survey  of  the  press  with  reference  to  this  matter,  see 
Public  Opinion,  VIII   (December  28,  1889),  p.  279ff. 


—12— 


was  extended  to  the  agents  of  Brazil  at  Washington.^^  This 
step  rendered  a  resolution  of  recognition  on  the  part  of 
Congress  superfluous.  Friends  of  the  administration 
pushed  through  a  joint  resolution  of  congratulation,  how- 
ever, and  this  was  presented  to  the  provisional  government 
on  April  2,  1890,  when  the  fate  of  the  revolution  was  still 
far  from  certain.^- 

In  fact,  the  overthrow  of  Don  Pedro,  as  is  well  known, 
was  followed  by  more  than  four  years  of  intermittent  dis- 
orders. The  first  president  of  the  republic  was  overthrown 
by  a  faction  in  his  own  government,  Congress  was  dissolved, 
and  martial  law  was  declared  before  the  revolutionists  had 
been  in  power  a  year.  Subsequently  the  constitutional  order 
was  restored,  but  dissatisfaction  was  not  completely  over- 
come. Finally,  in  the  late  summer  of  1893  a  formidable 
revolt  of  the  navy  occurred.  For  a  time  it  looked  as  if  the 
government  would  be  overthrown,  but  by  the  close  of  the 
following  year  the  insurgents  were  subdued  and  Brazil  en- 
tered upon  the  regime  of  orderly  republicanism  which  she 
has  been  able  to  maintain  to  the  present  day. 

During  this  period  the  United  States  was  an  interested, 
a  sympathetic,  and  at  times  an  uneasy  observer.  Not  only 
was  there  anxiety  to  see  the  republican  experiment  succeed 
and  the  Brazilian  people  made  happy  by  the  achievement  of 
more  complete  liberty  and  prosperity,  but  there  was  strong 
apprehension  with  reference  to  the  possible  interference  of 
some  of  the  nations  of  Europe.  In  the  summer  of  1890  the 
United  States  dispatched  a  small  squadron  southward  with 
orders  to  make  a  "friendly  visit"  to  Rio.  Near  the  close  of 
the  year  1891  when  fear  of  plots  to  restore  the  monarchy 
led  to  the  dissolution  of  the  Brazilian  Congress  and  the 
proclamation  of  martial  law,  the  executive  department  at 
Washington  counseled  moderation.^^     Later,  after  the  revolt 


3iJohn  Bassett  Moore,  A  Digest  of  International  Law  (Washing- 
ton, 1906),  I,  160-161;  J.  M.  Cardosa  de  Oliveira,  Actos  Diplomaticos 
de  Brazil  (Rio,  1912),  II,  162. 

^-Papers  Relating  to  the  Foreign  Relations  of  the  United  States 
(1890),  pp.  22-27. 

33/6id.  (1891),  p.  42;  (1890),  pp.  23-27. 

—13— 


of  the  navy  had  broken  out  and  war-vessels  of  the  leading 
European  states  appeared  at  Rio,  the  naval  contingent  of 
the  United  States  in  the  region  was  effectively  augmented, 
and  there  was  considerable  discussion  of  the  Monroe  Doc- 
trine in  the  press.^*  In  speaking  of  the  situation  at  this 
time  President  Cleveland  remarked : 

It  appearing  at  an  early  stage  of  the  insurrection 
that  its  course  would  call  for  unusual  watchfulness 
on  the  part  of  our  government,  our  naval  force  in 
the  harbor  of  Rio  de  Janeiro  was  strengthened. 
This  precaution,  I  am  satisfied,  tended  to  restrict 
the  issue  to  a  simple  trial  of  strength  between  the 
Brazilian  government  and  the  insurgents  and  to 
avert  complications  which  at  times  seemed  immi- 
nent.3= 

No  nation  ever  proved  itself  more  deserving  or  more 
grateful  for  the  kindly  interest  and  profound  sympathy  of 
a  friendly  power  than  did  Brazil.  One  of  the  first  acts  of 
the  republican  congress  was  the  passage  of  resolutions  of 
thanks  to  the  United  States;^"  one  of  the  first  important 
international  agreements  of  the  new  government  granted 
the  United  States  valuable  commercial  concessions."  Ex- 
hortations to  moderation  which  might  have  been  resented, 
or  cooly  received,  by  a  less  broad  minded  or  more  sensitive 
government  were  accepted  with  utmost  good  faith.  The 
Brazilian  minister  at  Washington  was  directed  to 

transmit  to  the  President  of  the  United  States  of 
America  the  expressions  of  gratefulness  of  the 
President  of  the  United  States  of  Brazil  for  the 
deep  interest  manifested  for  the  new  political  in- 
stitutions of  this  country.  The  moderation  that  he 
would  advise  is  born  in  the  character  of  the  Bra- 


3*76m?.  (1893),  p.  45ff,  See  also,  in  connection  with  rumors  of 
European  sympathy  with  the  insurgents,  J.  B.  Moore,  op.  cit.,  VI,  439 
and  authorities  cited;  Public  Opinion,  VIII-XVI    (1890-1894),  index. 

35J.  D,  Richardson,  Messages  and  Papers  of  the  Presidents,  IX,  524. 

^^Papers  Relating  to  the  Foreign  Relations  of  the  United  States 
(1891),  pp.  50-51. 

^''Ihid.,  pp.  43,  44,  46.  passim. 

—14— 


zilian  people,  in  the  sentiment  and  in  the  policy  of 
its  President,  and  has  been  practiced  by  his  Gov- 
ernment. The  President  acknowledges  with  great 
satisfaction  that  in  this  instance,  as  in  so  many 
others,  the  two  republics  find  themselves  in  perfect 
accord.  .  .^^ 

On  April  15,  1892,  in  accordance  with  a  previous  agree- 
ment with  the  La  Plata  government,  the  President  of  Brazil 
requested  the  chief  executive  of  the  United  States  to  serve 
as  arbiter  in  the  boundary  question  pending  between  these 
two  Hispanic  American  republics  f^  July  4,  1894,  was  cele- 
brated by  an  informal  holiday  and  great  pomp  and  cere- 
mony in  Rio  de  Jameiro;  on  November  15,  following,  the 
corner  stone  of  the  pedestal  of  a  proposed  monument  to 
James  Monroe  was  laid;*"  and  in  December,  1895,  when 
news  of  Cleveland's  stand  with  reference  to  the  Anglo- 
Venezuelan  boundary  dispute  reached  the  Brazilian  capital, 
both  houses  of  congress  passed  resolutions  congratulating 
the  government  of  Washington,  while  the  Senate  of  the 
South  American  republic  sent  greetings  and  congratula- 
tions "to  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  of  America  upon 
the  worthy  message  of  President  Cleveland,  who  so  stren- 
uously guards  the  dignity,  the  sovereignty,  and  the  free- 
dom of  the  American  nations."*^  The  understanding  be- 
tween the  two  republics  could  scarcely  have  been  more  cor- 
dial and  complete. 


^^Papers  Relating  to  the  Foreign  Relations  of  the   United  States 
(1891),  p.  52. 
39/6id.  (1892),  pp.  17-19. 
^°Ibid.  (1894),  pp.  85-86,  passim. 
i^Ibid.  (1895),  pp.  75-76. 


-15— 


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